Clinton’s inability to score a convincingly large win in the big March 4th primaries (Texas & Ohio) essentially sealed the fate of her race. The pundits hinted at the difficulty of the delegate math but no one came out and said it. With each subsequent primary the chances for a Clinton nomination got worse. After May 6th, with Obama’s big win in North Carolina and the near tie in Indiana, the political analysts and pundits stopped pretending. Obama would be the nominee.
As the process moved inexorably towards an Obama nomination the Clinton camp became more and more frantic in their attempts to keep the race alive. Blithely ignoring Clinton’s previous repudiation of the Michigan and Florida votes they decided that they must count. At the DNC rules committee meeting Harold Ickes displayed a sickening level of righteous indignation in defending the sanctity of the vote against manipulation by party leaders. At the same time the campaign makes the case that there is nothing wrong with super-delegates over-ruling the will of the electorate to nominate Clinton.
The story they have tried to push is that Clinton is the more electable candidate. This is of course based on a self serving interpretation of the facts. Obama’s clear delegate lead was to be ignored. Obama’s consistent lead in the polls was to be ignored. Obama’s unprecedented fundraising prowess was to be ignored. Clinton’s poor strategic choices were to be ignored. Most of all we were to ignore the massive level of excitement (unparalleled in our generation) generated by Obama.
When this narrative got little traction Clinton and her supporters began to cast themselves in the role of victim: Clinton, though the more electable candidate, was sabotaged by a biased media and inequitable process. Any attempt to point out the near impossibility of her winning the nomination was branded as trying to unfairly hound the best candidate out of the race. As Bill Clinton said “there’s this frantic effort to push her out, cause she’s winning the general election today and he’s not…[mockingly] oh my goodness we have to cover this up”.
Disturbingly, this victim narrative has fed the concerns of many women that sexism has played a significant role in the race. This sentiment was well encapsulated by Geraldine Ferraro’s recent opinion piece in the Boston Globe. Ferraro claims that “the truth is that tens of thousands of women have watched how Clinton has been treated and are not happy.” It is noteable that Ferraro, like most others charging sexism, fails to point to a single example of sexism on the part of the Obama campaign or its surrogates.
Clinton and her surrogates must be very careful when they blame sexism for her loss. Sexist campaign dirty tricks are very different from the diffuse sexism that still pervades society. It is easier to conceptualize the acts of individuals than general societal forces. Unless Clinton is very clear about the source of the experienced sexism many, perhaps most, will naturally blame the one she is in competition with. I suspect that this is what is behind the increasing anger being expressed by many female supporters of Clinton.
But I don’t believe that sexism was a determining factor in Clinton’s loss.
Gender and race both provide some advantages and some disadvantages to the candidates. I have always assumed that on balance Clinton’s gender and Obama’s race would hurt their respective chances for the nomination. When I analyzed the exit polls from recent primaries I was very surprised by what I found. On balance Clinton benefited from her gender and she benefited from Obama’s race.
Unfortunately the questions asked in the exit polls have not been uniform. But since at least Wisconsin they have consistently asked about the importance of race and gender in voter’s decision making. I analyze some of the bigger primaries focusing on those since April.
The first question is “was the gender of the cadidate important to you?”. The percentages of yes answers was as follows (organized by date): California 23%, Wisconsin 15%, Ohio 17%, Texas 23%, Pennsylvania 20%, Indiana 16%, North Carolina 21%, West Virginia 18%, Kentucky 16%, Oregon 17%.
Almost without exception voters who considered gender important voted for Clinton at a higher rate than the general populace voted for her. For example, in California while Clinton won 52% of the general population she won a whopping 70% of those who thought gender was important. In Ohio Clinton won 54% of the general population and won 60% of those who thought gender was important. In Pennsylvania she won 55% of the general vote but 72% of those who thought gender was important. In Texas she won 51% of the general vote but won 60% of those who thought gender was important.
Clinton also gained significant advantage in states she lost. In Wisconsin she won only 41% of the general vote but 63% of those who thought gender was important. Likewise in Oregon she won only 41% of the general electorate and 55% of those who thought Gender was important.
In Indiana, where Clinton won with only 51% of the vote, gender may have been the deciding factor. Those who said that gender was not an important issue split exactly 50-50 between the two candidates. Those who said that gender was important split 59% for Clinton.
The only places where this trend did not continue was in several small southern states. Possibly this is due to the higher than average population of African Americans in these states giving Obama a racial advantage that trumped Clinton’s gender advantage. For example in South Carolina African Americans make up 55% of the Democratic electorate. But though Obama gained an advantage where racial demographics were lopsided he was at a disadvantage elsewhere.
The second important question asked was “was the race of the candidate important to you”? The percentage of yes answers is as follows: California 17%, Wisconsin 13%, Ohio 20%, Texas 19%, Pennsylvania 19%, Indiana 16%, North Carolina 18%, West Virginia 22%, Kentucky 21%, Oregon 10%.
Some have made much of the advantage Obama has with African American voters. However, on balance the racial advantage went to Clinton. Not by as much as Clinton gained from gender but still significant.
In California Clinton won only 52 percent of the general vote but she captured 61% of those who thought race was important. In Ohio she won 54% of the general vote but 59% of those who thought race was important. The numbers were almost the same in Pennsylvania: 55% of the general vote and 59% of those who thought race was important. In West Virginia and Kentucky, where racial demographics are more white than the national average, Clinton won over 80% of those who said that race was important.
Clearly Clinton was not hamstrung by sexism. She surely lost many votes to sexism but she gained much more from those who considered her gender and asset. At the same time it seems fair to say that she gained more from racism than Obama gained from race loyalty.